herished. Do not be surprized at a dreadful parliamentary
opposition and a personal opposition.

Cooke's reference to the mediocrity of the pamphlets for the Union is a
curious piece of _finesse_; for he was known to be the author of an able
pamphlet, "Arguments for and against an Union between Great Britain and
Ireland." In it he dilated on the benefits gained by Wales and Scotland
from a Union with England. He dwelt on the recent increase of strength
in France consequent on the concentration of political power at Paris,
and demonstrated the unreality of the boasted independence of the Dublin
Parliament, seeing that Irish enactments must be sealed by the Seal of
Great Britain. After touching on the dangerous divergence of policy at
Westminster and Dublin during the Regency crisis of 1789, he showed that
peace and prosperity must increase under a more comprehensive system,
which would both guarantee the existence of the Established Church, and
accord civic recognition to Catholics. At present, said he, it would be
dangerous to admit Catholics to the Irish Parliament; but in the United
Parliament such a step would be practicable. This semi-official
pronouncement caused a sensation, and before the end of the year
twenty-four replies appeared. In one of the counterblasts the anonymous
author offers "the reflections of a plain and humble mind," by stating
forthwith that the policy of the British Government had been to foment
discontent, to excite jealousies, to connive at insurrections, and
finally to "amnestize" those rebellions, for the purpose of promoting
its favourite and now avowed object of a Union.[551]

Far abler is the "Reply" to Cooke by Richard Jebb, who afterwards became
a Justice of the King's Bench in Ireland. He showed that only in regard
to the Regency had any serious difference arisen between the two
Parliaments; he scoffed at the notion of Ireland's needs finding
satisfaction at Westminster. Would Pitt, he asked, who whirled out of
the Cabinet the gigantic Thurlow, ever attend to Irish affairs? Jebb
then quoted with effect Clare's assertion that the Irish Parliament
alone was competent to deal with the business of the island. He admitted
the directing power of the British Cabinet over Ireland's concerns; but
he averred that under the new system the Lord Lieutenant would be little
more than a Great Contractor. As to the satisfaction to be granted to
Catholics, the Under-Secretary had done well not to b