nlike
survey lacked the fire and imaginative elevation of his speech on the
Slave Trade in 1792. But there was little need of rhetoric and
invective. Pitt's aim was to convince Ireland of the justice of his
proposals. And his plea, though weak at one point, must rank among the
ablest expositions of a great and complex question. How different the
course of events might have been if the Commons of Ireland had first
heard Pitt's proposals of Union, clearly and authoritatively set forth,
not in the distorted form which rumour or malice depicted. In this
respect Gladstone proved himself an abler tactician than Pitt. His Home
Rule Bill of 1886 remained a secret until it was described in that
masterly statement which formed a worthy retort to Pitt's oration of
31st January 1799. Pitt prepared it with great care, so Auckland avers;
and, as he and Long had secured the presence of the best reporters, the
text of the speech is among the most accurate that we possess for that
period. He now resolved to bring forward specific Resolutions, instead
of, as before, proposing merely to appoint Commissioners to consider the
details of the Bill of Union. It is unfortunate that he did not take
this step at first. The mistake probably resulted from his besetting
sin--excess of confidence. On 26th January he expressed to Cornwallis
his deep disappointment and grief at the action of the Dublin
Parliament, which he ascribed to prejudice and cabal. Clearly he had
underrated the force of the nationalist opposition.

Meanwhile Castlereagh endeavoured to reckon the value of the pecuniary
interests in Ireland opposed to the Union. In a characteristically
narrow spirit he assessed the losses to borough-holders at L756,000; to
controllers of counties at L224,000; to barristers at L200,000; to
purchasers of parliamentary seats at L75,000; and he estimated the
probable depreciation of property in Dublin at L200,000. Thus, moneyed
interests worth L1,433,000 were arrayed against the Union. He proposed
to whittle down these claims by raising the number of Irish members in
the United Parliament either to 127 or 141. Both at Dublin and
Westminster Ministers were intent on appeasing hostile interests on the
easiest terms. Among Pitt's papers is a curious estimate of the opinion
of the propertied classes in the counties and chief towns of Ireland.
"Property" is declared to favour the Union in Antrim, Clare, Cork,
Donegal, Galway, Kerry, Leitrim, Londonderry, M