eviki agreed that he was the one man strong enough to
undertake the heaviest and hardest tasks.

Toward the end of September what may be termed the Kerensky regime entered
upon its last phase. For reasons which have been already set forth, the
Bolsheviki kept up a bitter attack upon the Provisional Government, and
upon the official leaders of the Soviets, on account of the Moscow
Conference. They demanded that the United Executive Committee of the
Soviets convoke a new Conference. They contended that the Moscow Conference
had been convoked by the government, not by the Soviets, and that the
United Executive Committee must act for the latter. The United Executive
Committee complied and summoned a new National Democratic Conference, which
assembled on September 27th. By this time, as a result of the exhaustion of
the patience of many workers, many of the Soviets had ceased to exist,
while others existed on paper only. According to the _Izvestya Soveta_,
there had been more than eight hundred region organizations at one time,
many scores of which had disappeared. According to the same authority, the
peasants were drawing away from the Workers' and Soldiers' Soviets. The
United Executive Committee, which had been elected in June, was, of course,
dominated by anti-Bolsheviki--that is, by Menshevik Social Democrats and by
Socialist-Revolutionists.

The Democratic Conference was not confined to the Soviets. It embraced
delegates from Soviets of peasants, soldiers, and industrial workers; from
municipalities, from zemstvos, co-operatives, and other organizations. It
differed from the Moscow Conference principally in that the delegates were
elected and that it did not include so many representatives of the
capitalist class. The petty bourgeoisie was represented, but not the great
capitalists. There were more than a thousand members in attendance at this
Democratic Conference, which was dominated by the most moderate section of
the Social Democrats. The Socialist-Revolutionists were not very numerous.

This Conference created another Coalition Cabinet, the last of the Kerensky
regime. Kerensky continued as Premier and as commander-in-chief of the
army. There were in the Cabinet five Social Democrats, two
Socialist-Revolutionists, eight Constitutional Democrats, and two
non-partisans. It was therefore as far as its predecessors from meeting the
standards insisted upon by many radical Socialists, who, while not
Bolsheviki, still b