st
be the basis for the Social Democratic commonwealth which the workers
sought to establish, and which the bourgeois elements feared almost as much
as they feared the triumph of Germany. In some respects the Conference
intensified class feeling and added to, instead of lessening, the civil
strife. The Bolsheviki were not slow to exploit this fact. They pointed to
the Conference as evidence of a desire on the part of the Socialist
Ministers, and of the officials of the Soviets, to compromise with the
bourgeoisie. This propaganda had its effect and Bolshevism grew in
consequence, especially in Petrograd.

Then followed the disastrous military and political events which made it
practically impossible for the Kerensky government to stand. At the front
the soldiers were still revolting, deserting, and retreating. Kornilov was
quite helpless. Germany began a new offensive, and on September 2d German
armies crossed the Dvina near Riga. On September 3d Riga was surrendered to
the Germans in the most shameful manner and panic reigned in Petrograd.
Then on the 9th came the revolt of Kornilov against the Provisional
Government and the vulgar quarrel between him and Kerensky. Kornilov
charged that the Provisional Government, under pressure from the
Bolsheviki, was playing into the hands of the German General Staff.
Kerensky, backed by the rest of the Cabinet, ordered Kornilov's removal,
while Kornilov despatched a division of troops, drawn from the front,
against Petrograd.

It was a most disastrous conflict for which no adequate explanation can be
found except in the strained mental condition of all the principal parties
concerned. In less strenuous times, and in a calmer atmosphere, the two
leaders, equally patriotic, would have found no difficulty in removing
misunderstandings. As things were, a mischievous intermediary, and two men
suffering the effects of a prolonged and intense nervous strain, provided
all the elements of a disaster. Kornilov's revolt was crushed without great
trouble and with very little bloodshed, Kornilov himself being arrested.
The Soviets stood by the Provisional Government, for they saw in the revolt
the attempt to set up a personal dictatorship. Even the Bolsheviki were
temporarily sobered by the sudden appearance of the "man on horseback."
Kerensky, by direction of his colleagues, became commander-in-chief of the
Russian armies. Always, it seemed, through every calamity, all parties
except the Bolsh