he talk lightly by saying, "Ah,
that is your theory. But I am coming over soon, and shall expect you and
Dr. Leigh to take me about."

The next morning Mr. Mavick's card gave him instant admission to the
inner office of Mr. Henderson, the approach to whom was more carefully
guarded than that to the President of the United States. This was not
merely necessary to save him from the importunities of cranks who might
carry concealed dynamite arguments, but as well to protect him from
hundreds of business men with whom he was indirectly dealing, and with
whom he wished to evade explanations. He thoroughly understood the
advantages of delay. He also understood the value of the mystery that
attends inaccessibility. Even Mr. Mavick himself was impressed by the
show of ceremony, by the army of clerks, and by the signs of complete
organization. He knew that the visitor was specially favored who
penetrated these precincts so far as to get an interview, usually
fruitless, with Henderson's confidential man. This confidential man
was a very grave and confidence-begetting person, who dealt out dubious
hints and promises, and did not at all mind when Henderson found it
necessary to repudiate as unauthorized anything that had been apparently
said in his name. To be sure, this gave a general impression that
Henderson was an inscrutable man to deal with, but at the same time
it was confessed that his spoken word could be depended on. Anything
written might, it is true, lead to litigation, and this gave rise to a
saying in the Street that Henderson's word was better than his bond.

Henderson was not a politician, but he was a friend of politicians. It
was said that he contributed about equally to both sides in a political
campaign, and that this showed patriotism more than partisanship. It was
for his interest to have friends on both sides in Congress, and friends
in the Cabinet, and it was even hinted that he was concerned to have
men whose economic and financial theories accorded with his own on the
Supreme Bench. He had unlimited confidence in the power of money. His
visitor of the morning was not unlike him in many respects. He also was
not a politician. He would have described himself as a governmental
man, and had a theory of running the government with as little popular
interference as possible. He regarded himself as belonging to the
governing class.

Between these two men, who each had his own interests in view, there was
nat