eral acceptance, and this forbids any disturbance of the
relations of exchange between the performance and the product of
labour by arbitrary division. Looked at from another standpoint, the
industrial type is distinguished from the military by the fact that it
has a regulating influence, not simultaneously, both positive and
negative, but only negative (_cf. Principles_, iii., Sec. 575). In this
ever-increasing limitation of the influence of constituted society
lies another sharply defined line of demarcation, from even the most
conservative forms of Anarchism, whether it be Proudhon's federal
society or Auberon Herbert's "voluntary State." For Spencer recognises
even for the most perfect form of his society the necessity of some
administration of law; he speaks of a Head of the State, even though
he be merely elected (_Principles_, Sec. 578); he would like to see
development continued along the beaten track of the representative
system (which the Anarchists mainly reject), and even in certain
circumstances would retain the principle of a second chamber (_ib._,
p. 770). For however high may be the degree of development reached by
an industrial society, yet the difference between high and low,
between rulers and ruled, can never be done away with. All the new
improvements which the coming centuries may have in store for industry
cannot fail to admit the contrast between those whose character and
abilities raise them to a higher rank and those who remain in a lower
sphere. Even if any mode of production and distribution of goods was
carried out exclusively by corporations of labourers working together,
as is done even now in some cases to a certain extent, yet all such
corporations must have their chief directors and their committees of
administration. A Senate might then be formed either from an elective
body that was taken, not from a class possessing permanent privileges,
but from a group including all leaders of industrial associations, or
it might be formed from an electorate consisting of all persons who
took an active share in the administration; and finally it might be so
composed as to include the representatives of all persons engaged in
governing, as distinguished from the second chamber of representatives
of the governed.

Moreover, Spencer himself claims no sort of dogmatic obligatory force
for these deductions with regard to the most favourable possible form
of future organisation; rather he expressly warns