nd regulates everything, or the industrial, that
aims at free union, will preponderate. The vast majority of all forms
of society, including the modern Great Powers, are still of the
military type, for obvious reasons. The "idea of the State" is
powerful within them, but only some of the most advanced, which from
their peculiar circumstances are less threatened by the danger of war,
and therefore devote themselves more largely to industry and commerce,
such as England and America, are now inclining more to the industrial
type.

Which of the two forms deserves the preference cannot, of course, be
determined _a priori_. Spencer gives it evidently to the industrial
type, as being a higher form of development, and he thinks that, in
the more or less distant future, this will acquire the supremacy
(_Principles_, iii., Sec. 577). But he recognises also, as was only to be
expected, that it has only rarely been possible to dispense with the
military and compulsory organisation, whether in the present or the
past, and that even in the future it will still in many cases be
necessary for social development according to local conditions; and
that accordingly a universal acceptance of co-operative work by
convention, on the Anarchist's plan, cannot be imagined as possible,
because, in social organisms as well as in individual organisms, the
development of higher forms by no means implies the extirpation of
lower forms. If we miss already, at this point, one of the most
essential traits of Anarchist doctrine, viz., its absolute character,
Spencer's so-called Anarchism shrinks still more into nothingness,
when we approach the industrial type as he describes it in its
complete state.

While the requirements of the industrial type (he says) simply exclude
a despotic authority, they demand on the other hand, as the only
suitable means of carrying out the requisite actions of common
benefit, an assembly of representatives to express the will of the
whole body. The duty of this controlling agency, which may be denoted
in general terms as the administration of justice, merely consists in
seeing that every citizen receives neither more nor less benefit than
his own efforts normally afford him. Hence public efforts to effect
any artificial division of the result of labour is of itself excluded.
When the _regime_ peculiar to militarism, the status, has disappeared,
the _regime_ of convention appears in its stead, and finds more and
more gen