ion and birth;
it is also "anti-religionist," for it recognises no authorities that
are beyond control, except only conformity to nature. It starts from
the actual condition of the individual; but this can only be known by
its actions, and is not determined by birth. As regards public
affairs, positions that are technically prominent should be given by
universal, direct, and equal suffrage to persons who have shown by
their actions that they possess the necessary qualifications for them.
As regards the anti-religious element, which in Duehring's case really
implies Anti-Semitism, the place of all religion and everything
religious is taken by Duehring's philosophy of actuality or being.
Among the just claims of the individual person Duehring reckons not
only bodily freedom and immunity from injury, but also immunity from
economic injury. Just as on the one hand every kind of slavery or
limitation by united action or social forms must be unhesitatingly
rejected, so, on the other hand, unlimited power of disposal over the
means of production and natural capital must be limited by suitable
public laws in such a way that no one can be excluded from the means
supplied by nature, and reduced to a condition of starvation. The
right to labour, as well as freedom of choice in labour, must
everywhere be maintained.

The economic corner-stones of personalist Sociality are, as Duehring's
follower, Emil Doele,[2] explains, "metallic currency as the foundation
of all economic relationships, and individual property, especially
capital, as the necessary and inviolable foundation for every
condition that is not based on robbery and violence. The logic and
necessity of any form of society rests on private property, and that
is also the basis of Duehring's system; but his reforms are directed to
rejecting the ingredients of injustice, robbery, and violence towards
persons that are commingled with these fundamental forms. To bring
this about, the principle under which the merely economic mechanics of
values have free play must be rejected; and instead of it, the
original personal and political rights of men must be recognised.
Duehring therefore regards a general association of workers as far more
essential than strikes, and would wish political means (in the
narrower sense of politics) brought once more into the foreground, and
extended much farther than before. He certainly rejects the trickery
of Parliament, but not a representation of