plished much mischief, the millennium of which they were
supposed to be the heralds had not dawned. On the contrary, the
commercial interests of the city had suffered and the rates had been
enormously increased (_Neue Freie Presse_, 29th March 1901), while the
predatory hopes which secured them office had only been realized on a
small and select scale. The spectacle of a Clerico-anti-Semitic tammany
in Vienna had strengthened the resistance of the better elements in the
country. Time had also shown that Christian Socialism is only a disguise
for high Toryism, and that the German Radicals who were originally
induced to join the anti-Semites had been victimized by the Clericals.
The fruits of this disillusion began to show themselves in the general
elections of 1900-1901, when the anti-Semites lost six seats in the
Reichsrath. The elections were followed (26th January 1901) by a papal
encyclical on Christian democracy, in which Christian Socialism was
declared to be a term unacceptable to the Church, and the faithful were
adjured to abstain from agitation of a demagogic and revolutionary
character, and "to respect the rights of others." Nevertheless, in 1907
the Christian Socialists trebled their representation in the Reichsrath.
This, however, was due more to their alliance with the German national
parties than to any large increase of anti-Semitism in the electorate.
France.
The last country in Europe to make use of the teachings of German
anti-Semitism in its party politics was France. The fact that the
movement should have struck root in a republican country, where the
ideals of democratic freedom have been so passionately cultivated, has
been regarded as one of the paradoxes of our latter-day history. As a
matter of fact, it is more surprising that it was not adopted earlier.
All the social and political conditions which produced anti-Semitism in
Germany were present in France, but in an aggravated form due primarily
to the very republican _regime_ which at first sight seemed to be a
guarantee against it. In the monarchical states the dominance of the
_bourgeoisie_ was tempered in a measure by the power of the crown and
the political activity of the aristocracy, which carried with them a
very real restraining influence in the matter of political honour and
morality. In France these restraining influences were driven out of
public life by the republic. The nobility both of the _ancien regime_
and the empire sto
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