but he does not always go on to put his consciousness of
difference into the shape of a sharply drawn formula. Still less does
he always make the difference the ground of any practical course of
action. The Englishman in the first days of the Norman Conquest felt
the hardships of foreign rule, and he knew that those hardships were
owing to foreign rule. But he had not learned to put his sense of
hardship into any formula about an oppressed nationality. So, when the
policy of the Turk found that the subtle intellect of the Greek could
be made use of as an instrument of dominion over the other subject
nations, the Bulgarian felt the hardship of the state of things in
which, as it was proverbially said, his body was in bondage to the Turk
and his soul in bondage to the Greek. But we may suspect that this
neatly turned proverb dates only from the awakening of a distinctly
national Bulgarian feeling in modern times. The Turk was felt to be an
intruder and an enemy, because his rule was that of an open oppressor
belonging to another creed. The Greek, on the other hand, though his
spiritual dominion brought undoubted practical evils with it, was not
felt to be an intruder and an enemy in the same sense. His quicker
intellect and superior refinement made him a model. The Bulgarian
imitated the Greek tongue and Greek manners; he was willing in other
lands to be himself looked on as a Greek. It is only in quite modern
times, under the direct influence of the preaching of the doctrine of
race, that a hard and fast line has been drawn between Greeks and
Bulgarians. That doctrine has cut two ways. It has given both
nations, Greek and Bulgarian alike, a renewed national life, national
strength, national hopes, such as neither of them had felt for ages.
In so doing, it has done one of the best and most hopeful works of the
age. But in so doing, it has created one of the most dangerous of
immediate political difficulties. In calling two nations into a
renewed being, it has arrayed them in enmity against each other, and
that in the face of a common enemy in whose presence all lesser
differences and jealousies ought to be hushed into silence.

There is then a distinct doctrine of race, and of sympathies founded on
race, distinct from the feeling of community of religion, and distinct
from the feeling of nationality in the narrower sense. It is not so
simple or easy a feeling as either of those two. It does not in the
same