articles had always been, a
species of treaty, having peculiar objects, seeking them in a peculiar
way, and declared perpetual, but having an obligation no stronger than
that of a treaty, and practically dissoluble at the will of the parties.
Thus, the States issued letters of marque and reprisal; Congress
determined on peace and war, but the States were depended on to accept
the former and carry on the latter when declared. Congress might
ascertain the number of ships and men to be furnished, but the States
appointed the officers. Congress might fix the sums necessary to be used
in defraying public expenses, but the States must raise them. Congress
might regulate the value of coin, but the States might issue it. The
loose character of this tie is seen still more plainly in the fact that
there was no efficient final tribunal. The commissioners appointed by
Congress might decide a controversy arising between two States, but
there was nothing by which the commissioners could be guided, no
stability or force as precedents in their decisions when made, and no
power to enforce them if neglected or rejected by one or both the
parties. It was simply a provision for constantly recurring arbitration,
obtained by reference to a changeable, and practically unauthoritative
board of judges. Moreover, this government, weak and unorganized as it
was, was withdrawn on the adjournment of Congress; for the Committee of
States, appointed to act in the recess, was useless, as well from the
paucity of its powers, as from the fact that a quorum of its members
could seldom be obtained.
Such a system, or rather, lack of system, could be tolerated only while
the peril of their life and liberties compelled the people to perform
the duties the government was powerless to enforce. After the war was
over, and the people were left with independence and freedom, with a
powerful ally in Europe, with elements of unrivalled resource, but with
a heavy load of debt, with disorganized social and political relations,
with crippled commerce, and without the powerful uniting pressure from
outside, this system of confederation began to develop its evils and its
insufficiency. To complete the triumph begun by the desolating struggle
through which we had just passed, and, by building up a system under
whose operation the nation's wealth could pay the nation's debt, and the
nation's power protect the nation's honor and interest, to assert at
once the claim and
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