f Money and Power. Bargains, he tells us, there have always
been, and always will be, betwixt Prince and People, because it is in
the Constitution of our Goverment, and the chief dependance of our Kings
is in the love and liberality of their People_.
Our present King, I acknowledge has often found it so; though no thanks
I suppose to this Gentleman and his Party. But though he cry down Paper
and Parchment at this Rate, they are the best Evidence he can have for
his Estate, and his friends the Lawyers will advise him to speak with
less contempt of those Commodities. If Laws avail the Subject nothing,
our Ancestors have made many a bad Bargain for us. Yet I can instance to
him one Paper, namely, that of the _Habeas Corpus_ bill; for which the
House of Commons would have been content to have given a Million of good
_English_ money, and which they had Gratis from his Majesty. 'Tis true,
they boast they got it by a Trick; but if the Clerk of the Parliament
had been bidden to forget it, their Trick of telling Noses might have
fail'd them. Therefore let us do right on all sides: The Nation is
oblig'd both to the House of Commons for asking it, and more especially
to his Majesty, for granting it so freely.
_But what can we think of his next Axiome, that it was never known that
Laws signified any thing to a People, who had not the sole guard of
their own Prince, Government and Laws?_
Here all our Fore-fathers are Arraign'd at once for trusting the
Executive power of the Laws in their Princes hands. And yet you see the
Government has made a shift to shuffle on for so many hundred years
together, under this miserable oppression; and no man so wise in so many
ages to find out, that _Magna Charta_ was to no purpose, while there was
a King. I confess in Countreys, where the Monarck governs absolutely,
and the Law is either his Will, or depending on it, this noble maxim
might take place; But since we are neither _Turks_, _Russians_, nor
_Frenchmen_, to affirm that in our Countrey, in a Monarchy of so
temperate and wholsom a Constitution, Laws are of no validity, because
they are not in the disposition of the People, plainly infers that no
Government but that of a Common-wealth can preserve our Liberties and
Priviledges: for though the Title of a Prince be allow'd to continue,
yet if the People must have the sole guard and Government of him and of
the Laws, 'tis but facing an whole hand of Trumps, with an insignificant
King of ano
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