y occurred. He pressed upon his brother that we should all retire,
saying plainly that we had been too long in possession, and should hand
over the task of representing Ireland at Westminster to younger men. His
association with the Volunteer Committee, brief though it was, had made
him more aware than most of our colleagues how wide was the
estrangement between us and the new Ireland; but it also taught him to
believe that many of the men whom he had met there would be willing to
take up the task on constitutional lines.

This proposal never came before the party. But after Longford had given
its decision, it was proposed that we should accept the verdict in
general and resign in a body. Those who put forward the suggestion felt
that some drastic action was needed to force upon Ireland the
responsibility for a clear choice between the two courses,
constitutional and unconstitutional. Redmond, as Chairman, advised
strongly against this. He said that it would be a lack of courage: that
one defeat or two defeats should not turn us from our course. But it is
clear to me that he welcomed the Convention as another and a better
means of effecting the same end--of replacing the existing Parliamentary
party by another body of men.

On May 21st Mr. Lloyd George's speech gave the go-by completely to the
detailed proposal for a settlement on the basis of partition to which
the Cabinet--including Sir Edward Carson--had consented. It dealt only
with the alternative plan suggested in the conclusion of the published
letter. The Government had decided to invite Irishmen to put forward
their own proposals for the government of their country, he said. This
invitation was directed to a Convention not merely of political parties,
although they must all be represented--the followers of Redmond, of Mr.
O'Brien, the Ulster Unionists, the Southern Unionists, "and he hoped
also the Sinn Feiners as well." But in the main it was to consist of
"representatives of the local governing bodies, of the Churches, of the
trade unions, of the commercial interests, of educational interests"; it
was to be "a real representation of Irish life and activity in all their
leading branches." It was to be pledged in advance to no
conclusions--except one, and that was only indicated by implication. "If
substantial agreement should be reached as to the character and scope
of the Constitution for the future government of Ireland within the
Empire" (these three words