reland, after Irish public opinion
has made up its mind, the reformer has to convert the public opinion of
another country which is profoundly ignorant or apathetic, and unhappily
it is uncontrovertible that scarcely a single piece of beneficent
legislation on land, or anything else, has been passed since the Union
except by long, violent, semi-revolutionary agitation.

"Are we to go on for ever upon this path? Are we to go back into the
region of perpetual and violent agitation in order to get the reforms we
need? Are we never to be allowed to have peace in our country?"

He passed then to the complaint that Ulster's special case had not been
sufficiently considered.

"The man who would hope to settle this great problem without special
consideration of the special case of Ulster would indeed be a fool. Only
for the special case of Ulster we should not be here at all. Our chief
business is to endeavour to satisfy that special case.

"For myself, I am one of those Nationalists to whom Mr. Barrie referred,
who believe that the co-operation of Ulstermen is necessary for a
prosperous and free Ireland, and there are no lengths consistent with
common sense and reason to which I would not go to satisfy their fears
and doubts and objections.

"The special case of Ulster as put before us was this: 'We are contented
under the Union, we have prospered under the Union. Therefore from our
particular standpoint we have no reason to ask for a change.' But they
declare themselves not only Ulstermen but Irishmen. They admit that the
rest of Ireland is not prosperous as they are, and is not contented;
and, that being so, they have come here in a spirit of true patriotism
to see what is proposed as a remedy; and, as I understand it, they only
stipulate that in any scheme of reform their rights and interests and
sentiments shall be safeguarded and respected. That is a reasonable and
patriotic attitude, and I wish most heartily and most sincerely to
respond to it.

"Now let me say what are the main objections to these schemes which have
emerged from the debate. Some may be regarded as more particularly
affecting Ulster, others as more particularly affecting the Southern
Unionists, but all of them taken together make up what I may call the
Unionist objection.

"The Archbishop of Dublin grouped these objections under three heads:

1. Imperial Security.

2. Fiscal Security.

3. Security for Minorities.

"On the question of Imperi