hard and delicate task of reconciling each party in the
ill-assorted match, and inspiring them with sentiments of mutual
moderation.

Under the title of governor-general of the Netherlands (for his
intended elevation to the throne and the definitive junction of
Holland and Belgium were still publicly unknown), the Prince of
Orange repaired to his new state. He arrived at Brussels in the
month of August, 1814, and his first effort was to gain the hearts
and the confidence of the people, though he saw the nobles and
the higher orders of the inferior classes (with the exception of
the merchants) intriguing all around him for the re-establishment
of the Austrian power. Petitions on this subject were printed and
distributed; and the models of those anti-national documents may
still be referred to in a work published at the time.[8]

[Footnote 8: History of the Low Countries, by St. Genoist.]

As soon as the moment came for promulgating the decision of the
sovereign powers as to the actual extent of the new kingdom--that
is to say, in the month of February, 1815--the whole plan was made
public; and a commission, consisting of twenty-seven members,
Dutch and Belgian, was formed, to consider the modifications
necessary in the fundamental law of Holland, in pursuance of
the stipulation of the treaty of London. After due deliberation
these modifications were formed, and the great political pact
was completed for the final acceptance of the king and people.

As a document so important merits particular consideration, in
reference to the formation of the new monarchy, we shall briefly
condense the reasonings of the most impartial and well-informed
classes in the country on the constitution now about to be framed.
Every one agreed that some radical change in the whole form of
government was necessary, and that its main improvement should
be the strengthening of the executive power. That possessed by
the former stadtholders of Holland was often found to be too much
for the chief of a republic, too little for the head of a monarchy.
The assembly of the states-general, as of old constructed, was
defective in many points; in none so glaringly as in that condition
which required unanimity in questions of peace or war, and in the
provision, from which they had no power to swerve, that all the
taxes should be uniform. Both these stipulations were, of sheer
necessity, continually disregarded; so that the government could be
carried o