the famous Hampton Roads Conference. That Mr. Lincoln met and conferred
with the official representatives of the Confederate Government, led
by the Vice President of the Confederate States, when it must have been
known to him that the Confederacy was nearing the end of its resources,
is sufficient proof of the breadth both of his humanity and his
patriotism. Yet he went to Fortress Monroe prepared not only to make
whatever concessions toward the restoration of Union and Peace he had
the lawful authority to make, but to offer some concessions which could
in the nature of the case go no further at that time than his personal
assurance. His constitutional powers were limited. But he was in himself
the embodiment of great moral power.

The story that he offered payment for the slaves--so often affirmed and
denied--is in either case but a quibble with the actual facts. He could
not have made such an offer except tentatively, lacking the means to
carry it out. He was not given the opportunity to make it, because the
Confederate Commissioners were under instructions to treat solely on
the basis of the recognition of the independence of the Confederacy. The
conference came to nought. It ended where it began. But there is ample
evidence that he went to Hampton Roads resolved to commit himself to
that proposition. He did, according to the official reports, refer to it
in specific terms, having already formulated a plan of procedure. This
plan exists and may be seen in his own handwriting. It embraced a
joint resolution to be submitted by the President to the two Houses of
Congress appropriating $400,000,000 to be distributed among the Southern
States on the basis of the slave population of each according to
the Census of 1860, and a proclamation to be issued by himself, as
President, when the joint resolution had been passed by Congress.

There can be no controversy among honest students of history on this
point. That Mr. Lincoln said to Mr. Stephens, "Let me write Union at the
top of this page and you may write below it whatever else you please,"
is referable to Mr. Stephens' statement made to many friends and
attested by a number of reliable persons. But that he meditated the
most liberal terms, including payment for the slaves, rests neither upon
conjecture nor hearsay, but on documentary proof. It may be argued that
he could not have secured the adoption of any such plan; but of his
purpose, and its genuineness, there can b