itzerland give almost no suffrage to women. Norway and Finland, where
they have the complete franchise; Sweden, Denmark, Iceland, and Great
Britain, where they have all but the parliamentary, and that close at
hand, are monarchies. New Zealand and Australia, where women are fully
enfranchised, are dependencies of a monarchical government.
JANE ADDAMS
The comfortable citizen possessing a vote won for him in a previous
generation, who is so often profoundly disturbed by the cry of "Votes
for Women," seldom connects the present attempt to extend the franchise
with those former efforts, as the results of which he himself became a
member of the enfranchised class. Still less does the average voter
reflect that in order to make self-government a great instrument in the
hands of those who crave social justice, it must ever be built up anew
in relation to changing experiences, and that unless this readjustment
constantly takes place self-government itself is placed in jeopardy.
Yet the adherents of representative government, with its foundations
laid in diversified human experiences, must concede that the value of
such government bears a definite relation to the area of its base and
that the history of its development is merely a record of new human
interests which have become the subjects of governmental action, and
the incorporation into the government itself of those classes who
represented the new interests.
As the governing classes have been increased by the enfranchisement of
one body of men after another, the art of government has been enriched
in human interests, and at the same time as government has become thus
humanized by new interests it has inevitably become further
democratized through the accession of new classes. The two propositions
are complementary. For centuries the middle classes in every country in
Europe struggled to wrest governmental power from the nobles because
they insisted that government must consider the problems of a rising
commerce; on the other hand, the merchants claimed direct
representation because government had already begun to concern itself
with commercial affairs. When the working men of the nineteenth
century, the Chartists in England and the "men of '48" in Germany
vigorously demanded the franchise, national parliaments had already
begun to regulate the condition of mines and the labor of little
children. The working men insisted that they themselves could best
represent th
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