s now at its most acute stage. There
the question never goes to the voters, but is decided by Parliament.
Seven times a woman-suffrage bill has passed its second reading in the
House of Commons by a large majority, only to be refused a third and
final reading by the Premier, who represents the Ministry, technically
known as the Government. In 1910 the bill received a majority of 110,
larger than was secured even for the budget, the Government's chief
measure. In 1911 the majority was 167, and again the last reading was
refused. The vote was wholly non-partizan--145 Liberals, 53 Unionists,
31 Nationalists (Irish), 26 Labor members. Ninety town and county
councils, including those of Manchester, Liverpool, Edinburgh, Glasgow,
Dublin, and those of all the large cities sent petitions to Parliament
to grant the final vote. The Lord Mayor of Dublin in his robes of state
appeared before the House of Commons with the same plea, but the
Liberal Government was unmoved.

In the passing years petitions aggregating over four million signatures
have been sent in. Just before the recent election the Conservative
National Association presented one signed by 300,000 voters. In their
processions and Hyde Park gatherings the women have made the largest
political demonstrations in history. There have been more meetings
held, more money raised, and more workers enlisted than to obtain
suffrage for the men of the entire world.

From the beginning the various associations have asked for the
franchise on the same terms as granted to men, not all of whom can
vote. For political reasons it seemed impossible to obtain this, and
meanwhile the so-called "militant" movement was inaugurated by women
outraged at the way the measure had been put aside for nearly forty
years. The treatment of these women by the Government forms one of the
blackest pages in English history, and the situation finally became so
alarming that the Parliament was obliged to take action. A Conciliation
Committee was formed of sixty members from all parties, who prepared a
bill that would enfranchise only women householders, those who already
had possessed the municipal franchise since 1869. This does not mean
property-owners, but includes women who may pay rent for only one room.
The associations accepted it partly because it recognized the principle
that sex should not disqualify, but principally because it was
unquestionably all that they could get at present. This is the b