ion has presided at the
creation of that freedom, and has been active and dominant in it.

No doubt apparent cases of exception may easily be found. It may be
said that in the court of Augustus there was much general intellectual
freedom, an almost entire detachment from ancient prejudice, but that
there was no free political discussion at all. But, then, the ornaments
of that time were derived from a time of great freedom: it was the
republic which trained the men whom the empire ruled. The close
congregation of most miscellaneous elements under the empire, was, no
doubt, of itself unfavourable to inherited prejudice, and favourable to
intellectual exertion. Yet, except in the instance of the Church, which
is a peculiar subject that requires a separate discussion, how little
was added to what the republic left! The power of free interchange of
ideas being wanting, the ideas themselves were barren. Also, no doubt,
much intellectual freedom may emanate from countries of free political
discussion, and penetrate to countries where that discussion is
limited. Thus the intellectual freedom of France in the eighteenth
century was in great part owing to the proximity of and incessant
intercourse with England and Holland. Voltaire resided among us; and
every page of the 'Esprit des Lois' proves how much Montesquieu learned
from living here. But, of course, it was only part of the French
culture which was so derived: the germ might be foreign, but the tissue
was native. And very naturally, for it would be absurd to call the
ancien regime a government without discussion: discussion abounded
there, only, by reason of the bad form of the government, it was never
sure with ease and certainty to affect political action. The despotism
'tempered by epigram,' was a government which permitted argument of
licentious freedom within changing limits, and which was ruled by that
argument spasmodically and practically, though not in name or
consistently.

But though in the earliest and in the latest time government by
discussion has been a principal organ for improving mankind, yet, from
its origin, it is a plant of singular delicacy. At first the chances
are much against its living. In the beginning, the members of a free
state are of necessity few. The essence of it requires that discussion
shall be brought home to those members. But in early time, when writing
is difficult, reading rare, and representation undiscovered, those who
are to b