edom without coming in conflict not only with one
of the Great Powers but with a combination of two or more. It is
improbable that she will attempt the enterprise without at least the
benevolent neutrality of the United States. Assurances of positive
sympathy would probably go a long way towards encouraging her to the
hazard. But if the United States should range herself definitely on the
side of peace the venture would become preposterous.
I am not arguing against Germany; I am arguing for Peace. Least of all
am I arguing for an American alliance for England in the event of
Germany's dash for liberty taking an untoward direction. England needs
no help. What does need help is Peace--the Peace of Europe--the Peace of
the World.
There is no talk now of stifling Germany's ambitions: of standing in the
way of her legitimate aspirations. It may be that under other
conditions, under a different form of government, or even under another
individual ruler, those aspirations and ambitions would not appear to
the German people so vital as they do now. They certainly do not appear
so to an outsider; and the German people is far from being of one mind
on the subject. But assuming the majority of Germans to know their own
business best, and granting it to be essential that the people should
have some larger sphere, under their own flag, in which to attain to
their proper growth, if they were compelled to drop war as the means for
obtaining that larger sphere out of their calculations, it would not
mean that those ambitions and aspirations would have to go unsatisfied.
Violence is not the only means of obtaining what one wants.
There was a time when, as between individuals, if one man desired a
thing which his neighbour possessed he went with a club and took it; but
civilised society has abandoned physical force as a medium for the
exchange of commodities and has substituted barter. If physical force
were once discountenanced among nations, any nation which needed a thing
badly enough could always get it. Everybody who had facilities for sale
would be glad to sell, if the price was sufficiently high. It is not
unlikely that, in an age of compulsory peace, Germany would be able to
acquire all that she desires at a less price than the expenditure of
blood and treasure which would be necessary in a war. It would almost
certainly cost her less than the price of war added to the capitalised
annual burden of the up-keep of her army and
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