ton has been arrested for no other cause than
opposition to my re-election, General Burbridge will discharge him at
once, I sending him a copy of this as an order to that effect.
A. LINCOLN.
TO GENERAL S. A. HURLBUT.
(Private.)
EXECUTIVE MANSION, WASHINGTON, November 14, 1864.
MAJOR-GENERAL HURLBUT:
Few things since I have been here have impressed me more painfully
than what, for four or five months past, has appeared a bitter military
opposition to the new State government of Louisiana. I still indulged some
hope that I was mistaken in the fact; but copies of a correspondence
on the subject between General Canby and yourself, and shown me to-day,
dispel that hope. A very fair proportion of the people of Louisiana
have inaugurated a new State government, making an excellent new
constitution--better for the poor black man than we have in Illinois. This
was done under military protection, directed by me, in the belief, still
sincerely entertained, that with such a nucleus around which to build we
could get the State into position again sooner than otherwise. In this
belief a general promise of protection and support, applicable alike to
Louisiana and other States, was given in the last annual message. During
the formation of the new government and constitution they were supported
by nearly every loyal person, and opposed by every secessionist. And
this support and this opposition, from the respective standpoints of the
parties, was perfectly consistent and logical. Every Unionist ought to
wish the new government to succeed; and every disunionist must desire it
to fail. Its failure would gladden the heart of Slidell in Europe, and
of every enemy of the old flag in the world. Every advocate of slavery
naturally desires to see blasted and crushed the liberty promised the
black man by the new constitution. But why General Canby and General
Hurlbut should join on the same side is to me incomprehensible.
Of course, in the condition of things at New Orleans, the military must
not be thwarted by the civil authority; but when the Constitutional
Convention, for what it deems a breach of privilege, arrests an editor in
no way connected with the military, the military necessity for insulting
the convention and forcibly discharging the editor is difficult to
perceive. Neither is the military necessity for protecting the people
against paying large salaries fixed by a legislature of their own choosing
very appare
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