zing commercial
restrictions, was passed by a majority of only five. This was
subsequently rejected in the senate by the casting vote of the
vice-president, and the further consideration of the whole subject was
postponed until March. When it was resumed, the progress of events had
given such new complexion to the whole matter, that it was indefinitely
postponed.
A new and important subject for legislation was brought up at this time.
Very soon after the close of the Revolution, the piratical practices of
corsairs belonging to the Barbary powers on the southern shores of the
Mediterranean sea, and particularly of Algiers, had suggested the
importance of a naval establishment for the protection of the infant
commerce of the new-born nation. Many American merchant-ships, trading
in the Mediterranean sea, were captured by these corsairs, their cargoes
appropriated by the pirates, and their crews sold into slavery. Toward
the close of 1790, President Washington called the attention of Congress
to the subject, and at the same time Mr. Jefferson, the secretary of
state, who had made himself thoroughly acquainted with the facts when in
France, gave many interesting details in an official report on the
subject.
Colonel David Humphreys was appointed a commissioner to treat with the
dey or governor of Algiers concerning his corsairs; but that
semi-barbarian--proud, haughty, and avaricious--was not disposed to
relinquish his share of the profitable sea-robberies carried on under
his sanction. "If I were to make peace with everybody," he said, "what
should I do with my corsairs? What should I do with my soldiers? They
would take off my head for the want of other prizes, not being able to
live on their miserable allowance!"
This was certainly good logic for the perplexed dey, but it did not
convince Humphreys of the justice of piratical practices; and, at the
close of 1793, he wrote to the government of the United States, "If we
mean to have a commerce, we must have a navy to defend it. Besides, the
very _semblance of this_ would tend more toward enabling us to maintain
our neutrality, in the actual critical state of affairs in Europe, than
all the declarations, reasonings, concessions, and sacrifices, that can
possibly be made."
Washington had communicated to the house on the twenty-third day of
December, in a confidential message, the state of affairs with Algiers;
and its consideration with closed doors brought about a d
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