The first, with but few
exceptions, have from the earliest times, felt slavery a reproach to
their good name--an encumbrance on their advancement--at some period, to
be cast off. This sentiment, had it been at all encouraged by the action
of the General Government, in accordance with the views of the
convention that formed the Constitution, would, in all probability, by
this time, have brought slavery in Maryland and Virginia to an end.
Notwithstanding the easy admission of slave states into the Union, and
the _yielding_ of the free states whenever they were brought in
collision with the South, have had a strong tendency to persuade the
_farming_ slave states to continue their system, yet the sentiment in
favor of emancipation in some form, still exists among them. Proof,
encouraging proof of this, is found in the present attitude of Kentucky.
Her legislature has just passed a law, proposing to the people, to hold
a convention to alter the constitution. In the discussion of the bill,
slavery as connected with some form of emancipation, seems to have
constituted the most important element. The public journals too, that
are _opposed_ to touching the subject at all, declare that the main
object for recommending a convention was, to act on slavery in
some way.

Now, it would be in vain for the _planting_ South to expect, that
Kentucky or any other of the _farming_ slave states would unite with
her, in making slavery the _perpetual bond_ of a new political
organization. If they feel the inconveniences of slavery _in their
present condition_, they could not be expected to enter on another,
where these inconveniences would be inconceivably multiplied and
aggravated, and, by the very terms of their new contract, _perpetuated_.

This letter is already so protracted, that I cannot stop here to develop
more at large this part of the subject. To one acquainted with the state
of public sentiment, in what I have called, the _farming_ district, it
needs no further development. There is not one of these states embraced
in it, that would not, when brought to the test, prefer the privileges
of the Union to the privilege of perpetual slaveholding. And if there
should turn out to be a single _desertion_ in this matter, the whole
project of secession must come to nought.

But laying aside all the obstacles to union among the seceding states,
how is it possible to take the first step to _actual_ separation! The
separation, at the worst,