on of
Women's Clubs May 3; by the American Federation of Labor June 14. Will
H. Hays, newly elected chairman of the Republican National Committee,
gave interviews in favor and worked diligently in many other ways for
its success, as did Vance McCormick, former chairman, and Homer
Cummings, present chairman of the National Democratic Committee, and
many other men conspicuous in public life.

It was finally decided to take a vote on May 10 but on the 9th so
serious a fight in opposition had developed that it was considered
best to postpone it. By June 27 the outlook was so favorable that the
amendment was brought before the Senate. Senators Poindexter (Wash.)
and Thompson (Kans.) spoke in favor, Brandegee (Conn.) in opposition.
A wrangle over "pairs" followed and Reed (Mo.) launched a
"filibuster." After he had spoken two hours Chairman Jones saw that
the situation was hopeless and withdrew his motion.

During the summer representatives of the National Association obtained
in Delaware a petition of over 11,000 to Senators Wolcott and
Saulsbury to support the amendment. Petitions poured in on other
opposing Senators and influence of many kinds was exerted. Only two
more votes were needed and it seemed important to put the amendment
through before the fall election. On August 24 a conference of
Republican Senators was held in Washington to elect a floor leader in
place of Senator Gallinger (N. H.), who had died, and it passed the
following resolution: "We shall insist upon the consideration of the
Federal Suffrage Amendment immediately after the disposition of the
pending unfinished business and upon a final vote at the earliest
possible moment, provided that this resolution shall not be construed
as in any way binding the action or vote of any member of the Senate
upon the merits of said suffrage amendment"!

The friends of the measure could have had "immediate consideration" at
almost any time during the past year. They could have had a vote on
May 10 had they considered that time favorable. Even on June 27 some
way might have been found to obtain it had there been a very great
desire to have it taken then. This conference resolution called upon
the Senate to vote on it and get it out of the way, no matter whether
it should be carried or defeated, and did not even give it the
prestige of a favorable endorsement. Here, as in the State's rights
plank put into the Republican national platform in 1916, one could
easily se