reek."--Sarrail, pp. 153, 154. He evidently
preferred not to have even a portion of Greece as an ally, that he
might treat the whole of it as an enemy.

[19] _Le Depart du Roi Constantin_, pp. 14-18.

[20] Jonnart, pp. 116-7.

[21] _Le Depart du Roi Constantin_, p. 11.

[22] _Le Depart du Roi Constantin_, pp. 28-9.

[23] _Le Depart du Roi Constantin_, pp. 26-7.

[24] _The Weekly Dispatch_, 17 June, 1917.

[25] _Le Depart du Roi Constantin_, pp. 30-1.

[26] M. Jonnart, in _The Times_, 11 July, 1917.

[27] _Le Depart du Roi Constantin_, p. 34.

[28] _The Weekly Dispatch_, 17 June, 1917.

[29] Jonnart, p. 128.

[30] Of all English newspapers the _Weekly Dispatch_ (17 June, 1917)
alone gave some account of this last scene of the drama. The rest
atoned for their self-denial in narrative by proportionate
self-indulgence in comment. One of them described the _coup_ as "a
distinct gain both to _our_ interests in the East and to our _moral_
position in the world." British agents on the spot must have been
strangely blind to this aspect of the business; for General Sarrail
complains that the _coup_ succeeded in spite of the obstacles raised
"by our allies, the English. It was _a contre-coeur_ that 500 of their
men were furnished me for the descent on Thessaly. The Chief of the
British Staff, no doubt by order, sought to learn my plans that he
might telegraph them and ruin our action, etc."--Sarrail, p. 242.
Without for a moment accepting the French General's suggestions of
British double-dealing, we have every reason to believe that he was
right in the view that the disgraceful affair did not enjoy British
official sympathy.

{200}

CHAPTER XIX

M. Jonnart celebrated his triumph with yet another proclamation by
which he assured the Greek people that the "guaranteeing" Powers were
there to restore Constitutional Verity and the regular working of
constitutional institutions; that all reprisals against Greeks, to
whatever party they might belong, would be ruthlessly repressed; that
the liberty of everybody would be safeguarded; that the "protecting"
Powers, respectful of the people's sovereignty, had no intention of
imposing a mobilization upon it.[1]

The sincerity of these professions was soon brought to the test. While
penning them, M. Jonnart had before him two lists of persons marked
down for reprisals. The first contained thirty victims, foremost among
them M. Gounaris, General Dousmanis, an