d to be brought into the country as such.

One other provision of the constitution, viz: the one that "the United
States shall protect each of the States against domestic violence"--has
sometimes been claimed as a special pledge of impunity and succor to
that kind of "violence," which consists in one portion of the people's
standing constantly upon the necks of another portion, and robbing them
of all civil privileges, and trampling upon all their personal rights.
The argument seems to take it for granted, that the only proper way of
protecting a "_republican_" state (for the states are all to be
"republican,") against "domestic violence," is to plant men firmly upon
one another's necks, (about in the proportion of two upon one,) arm the
two with whip and spur, and then keep an armed force standing by to cut
down those that are ridden, if they dare attempt to throw the riders.
When the ridden portion shall, by this process, have been so far subdued
as to bear the burdens, lashings and spurrings of the other portion
without resistance, then the state will have been secured against
"domestic violence," and the "republican form of government" will be
completely successful.

This version of this provision of the constitution presents a fair
illustration of those new ideas of law and language, that have been
invented for the special purpose of bringing slavery within the pale of
the constitution.

We have thus examined all those clauses of the constitution, that have
been relied on to prove that the instrument recognizes and sanctions
slavery. No one would have ever dreamed that either of these clauses
alone, or that all of them together, contained so much as an allusion to
slavery, had it not been for circumstances extraneous to the
constitution itself. And what are these extraneous circumstances? They
are the existence and toleration, in one portion of the country, of a
crime that embodies within itself nearly all the other crimes, which it
is the principal object of all our governments to punish and suppress; a
crime which we have therefore no more right to presume that the
constitution of the United States intended to sanction, than we have to
presume that it intended to sanction all the separate crimes which
slavery embodies, and our governments prohibit. Yet we have
_gratuitously_ presumed that the constitution intended to sanction all
these separate crimes, as they are comprehended in the general crime of
slavery.