ed in a great deal of very
pointed and unfriendly comment in the French press, and undoubtedly
added fuel to the fire of Franco-German animosity which was burning
even then stronger than it had done for many years.
In 1908, near the end of Prince von Buelow's incumbency of the
chancellorship, his position became very difficult, because of the
general disapproval on the part of the nation of the German
emperor's custom to make long speeches concerning foreign affairs.
Some of these speeches caused a considerable amount of offense in
foreign capitals, and, while this matter, too, may be considered a
minor detail in Germany's relations with foreign powers, it had at
the same time some influence. Throughout this period the chancellor
was supported by a combination of the National-Liberal and
Conservative parties. But in 1909 the continuation of this
combination became impossible on account of the divergence of
opinion existing between these two parties in regard to the
Government's financial reforms. The National-Liberal as well as the
Social-Democrat and other radical members of the Finance Committee
withdrew, and the Conservatives formed a new combination with the
Center party. This new majority, however, made so many changes in
the original Government bill, and forced through measures which the
chancellor so thoroughly disapproved, that he handed his resignation
to the emperor. It was not accepted right away, but upon his
continued insistence, he finally was permitted to resign in July.
His successor was Dr. von Bethmann-Hollweg, up to then Minister of
the Interior of Prussia, a member of an old patrician house with
strong National-Liberal tendencies.
In 1910 the Far Eastern problem again became acute. Russia, Japan,
and England, of course, were most vitally interested in the future
of China. Both France and Germany, too, had important commercial
interests. For a time it looked as if these great powers would clash
about the Chinese question, which each wished to solve in such a
manner that the greatest possible advantage and gain would come to
itself and none or the least possible to the others. However, in
1910 the United States proposed that the Manchurian railway, just
then the principal issue, be financed by an international syndicate,
reasserting, thereby, its previous stand for an "open-door" policy
in China. Germany supported this attitude, and undoubtedly did not
make through this action any friendships amon
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