sentatives of Labour have persistently
clamoured for the removal of restrictions on alien immigration and alien
imports. So although through the Trade Unions the British worker was to
be rigorously protected against competition from his fellow-Briton, no
obstacles were to be placed in the way of competition by foreign, and
frequently underpaid, labour. That this glaring betrayal of their
interests should not have raised a storm of resentment amongst the
working classes is surely evidence that the Marxian doctrine "the
emancipation of the working classes must be brought about by the working
classes themselves"[795] has so far led to no great results. Emerson
truly observed: "So far as a man thinks, he is free." The working
classes can never be free until they learn to think for themselves
instead of allowing their thinking to be done for them by the
middle-class exploiters of Labour.
The hand of Germany behind Socialism must be apparent to all those who
do not deliberately shut their eyes to the fact, and it is significant
to notice that the nearer Socialism approaches to Bolshevism the more
marked this influence becomes. Thus although certain Socialist groups,
such as the Social Democratic Federation in England and the Socialist
Party in France, have not become Germanized, the avowed Communists in
all the Allied countries are strongly pro-German. This is the case even
in France, where the Bolsheviks find fervent supporters in the group led
by Marcel Cachin, Froissart, and Longuet, grandson of Karl Marx.
The organization of the Bolshevist movement has indeed throughout owed a
great deal of its efficiency to German co-operation, provided not only by
the Socialist but by the Monarchist elements in Germany. It is necessary
in this connexion to understand the dual character of the German
Monarchist party since the ending of the war. The great majority of its
adherents, animated by nothing more reprehensible than the spirit of
militarism and an aggressive form of patriotism that clings to the old
formula of _Deutschland uber alles_, are probably strangers to any
intrigues, but behind this mass of honest Imperialists, and doubtless
unknown to a great number, there lurk those sinister organizations the
Pan-German secret societies.
Many of these, as for example the _Ostmarkenverein_, ostensibly
instituted for the defence of German interests on the Russian frontier,
existed before the war; indeed, there is little doubt that
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