; when all the temptation
is to do unworthy things we are demoralised. Most of us, happily, will
not give ourselves over to the evil influence, but we lose faith in the
ideal. We are apathetic. We have powers and let them lie fallow. Our
minds should be restless for noble and beautiful things; they are
hopeless in a land everywhere confined and wasted. In the destruction
of spirit entailed lies the deeper significance of our claim to
freedom.

IV

It is a spiritual appeal, then, that primarily moves us. We are urged to
action by a beautiful ideal. The motive force must be likewise true and
beautiful. It is love of country that inspires us; not hate of the enemy
and desire for full satisfaction for the past. Pause awhile. We are all
irritated now and then by some mawkish interpretation of our motive
force that makes it seem a weakly thing, invoked to help us in evading
difficulties instead of conquering them. Love in any genuine form is
strong, vital and warm-blooded. Let it not be confused with any flabby
substitute. Take a parallel case. Should we, because of the mawkishness
of a "Princess Novelette," deride the beautiful dream that keeps ages
wondering and joyous, that is occasionally caught up in the words of
genius, as when Shelley sings: "I arise from dreams of thee"? When
foolish people make a sacred thing seem silly, let us at least be sane.
The man who cries out for the sacred thing but voices a universal need.
To exist, the healthy mind must have beautiful things--the rapture of a
song, the music of running water, the glory of the sunset and its
dreams, and the deeper dreams of the dawn. It is nothing but love of
country that rouses us to make our land full-blooded and beautiful where
now she is pallid and wasted. This, too, has its deeper significance.

V

If we want full revenge for the past the best way to get it is to remain
as we are. As we are, Ireland is a menace to England. We need not debate
this--she herself admits it by her continued efforts to pacify us in her
own stupid way. Would she not ignore us if it were quite safe so to do?
On the other hand, if we succeed in our efforts to separate from her,
the benefit to England will be second only to our own. This might strike
us strangely, but 'tis true, not the less true because the English
people could hardly understand or appreciate it now. The military
defence of Ireland is almost farcical. A free Ireland could make it a
reality--could m