sions, with perhaps a cavalry brigade made up
from three army corps. Whereas the army strength of an English
division is about 10,000 men, a German division carries 16,000 men,
hence four German divisions and a cavalry division would have a
superiority over the English army. But we are in a position to set
over in England, in the shortest time, six divisions of infantry, or
five divisions of infantry and one cavalry division.

How a well regulated operation against England is to be conducted
across the sea, obviously cannot be forecasted here. The passage in
moderate weather is a little over thirty hours' ride from our North
Sea harbors. The English coast affords extensive stretches of shore
which are suitable for landing troops. The land contains such large
resources that the invading army can procure a living therefrom. On
the other hand, the extent of the island is not so great that the
English land defenses could ever succeed in timely destroying a
successful invading force.

It is improbable that Germany could carry on for very long a well
regulated war necessitating considerable reenforcement of troops. The
supplies would have to be furnished for the greater part on land.
Maintaining communication with the home country can therefore readily
be seen to be of importance.

It is conclusive that the first aim of every operation of invasion in
England is their field army, and the second must be London. It is
probable that these two objectives would fall together, in that the
field army, on account of the small value of the volunteers, is needed
for the protection of London fortifications, so as not to leave the
metropolis insufficiently defended. Powerful public opinion would
demand this for fear that London would fall into the hands of the
invaders. But if London is taken by the invading army this would still
be only one of the many war ports which must be seized, to secure a
base of supplies and for the further operations which have every view
to concluding the overthrow of England.

Operations against the United States of North America must be entirely
different. With that country, in particular, political friction,
manifest in commercial aims, has not been lacking in recent years, and
has, until now, been removed chiefly through acquiescence on our part.
However, as this submission has its limit, the question arises as to
what means we can develop to carry out our purpose with force, in
order to combat the enc