ply political activity on the part of the
clergy alone, but quite as much of laymen strongly in favor of the
Church.

[6] Before the Constitution of 1875, the Premier was only
_vice-president du conseil_.

[7] The Chamber, on May 12, had expressed itself in favor of the
publicity of meetings of municipal councils, during the absence of the
Minister of the Interior. On May 15, it had passed the second reading of
a law, opposed by Jules Simon, on the freedom of the press.

[8] In France only official posters may be printed on white paper.

CHAPTER V

THE ADMINISTRATION OF JULES GREVY

January, 1879, to December, 1887

The resignation of the marechal de Mac-Mahon was followed by the
immediate gathering, in accordance with the constitution, of the
National Assembly, which chose as President for seven years Jules Grevy.
The new chief magistrate, elected without a competitor, was already
seventy-two, and had in his long career won the reputation of a
dignified and sound statesman, in whose hands public affairs might be
entrusted with absolute safety. He represented a step beyond the
military and aristocratic regime which had preceded him. The embodiment
of the old _bourgeoisie_, he had, along with its qualities, some of its
defects. Eminently cautious, his statesmanship had been at times a
non-committal reserve more than constructive genius. His parsimony soon
caused people to accuse him of unduly saving his salary and state
allowances, while his personal dislikes led him to err grievously in
his choice of advisers, or rather in his elimination of Gambetta, to
whom circumstances now pointed.

Jules Grevy hated Gambetta, undeniably the leading figure in the
Republican party since the death of Thiers, and neglected to entrust to
him the formation of a Cabinet. Thiers himself had shown greater wisdom.
He, too, had disliked the raging and apparently futile volubility of the
young tribune during the Franco-Prussian War, but Thiers got over
calling Gambetta a "fou furieux." On the contrary, just after the
Seize-Mai and before his own death, when Thiers was expecting to return
to the Presidency as successor to a discredited Mac-Mahon, he had
intended to make Gambetta the head of his Cabinet. For Gambetta with
maturity had become more moderate. Instead of drastic political remedies
he was gradually evolving, as already stated, the policy of
"Opportunism" so closely linked with his name, the method of gradual
advanc