rmy, and
but a small number of them had an opportunity to vote. There was still
hope that a peace could be made through the agency of the Democratic
party. These circumstances were all unfavorable to the cause of the
patriots.

The Democratic party is now weaker than ever before. Its identity with
the Rebellion is better understood. The young men of the country, in the
proportion of three to one, unite themselves with the Republican party.
As an organization, considered by itself, the Democratic party is
utterly powerless and hopeless.

The defection of Mr. Johnson, however, inspires the leaders with fresh
courage. It is possible for them to enjoy the patronage of the
government for two years at least, and it is barely possible for them to
secure the recognition of the ten Rebel States, or, in other equivalent
words, the ten Democratic States, to the Union.

This combination is formidable; but its dangerous nature is due to the
facts that Mr. Seward's name and means of influence are still powerful
in the State of New York, and that he has joined himself to the new
party and become an instrument in the hands of designing men for the
organization of another rebellion. Outside of New York Mr. Johnson's
gains in the elections will be so small that the Union majority will
remain substantially as in the present Congress; nor can we conceive
that the gains in that State will be adequate to the necessities of the
conspirators. It is probable that the undertaking will prove a failure;
but it should never be forgotten that the country is in peril; that it
is in peril in consequence of the uncertain political character of the
State of New York; and that that uncertain character is justly
attributable to the conduct of Mr. Seward. If, then, Mr. Johnson succeed
in the attempt to change the character of this government by setting
aside the Congress of the loyal States, Mr. Seward will be responsible,
equally with Mr. Johnson, for the crime.

Reverting to the statement already made, that neither Mr. Johnson nor
any of his supporters can even hope to secure a majority of the members
elected from the States represented in the present Congress, it only
remains for us to consider more specifically the scheme of revolution
and usurpation in which these desperate men are engaged. The necessary
preliminary condition is the election of seventy-one members of Congress
from the twenty-six States. To these will be added fifty persons from
t