Free-soilers and Anti-
slavery Democrats.

This condition of public opinion and of party division was reached as
early as the twenty-ninth day of April, when Kossuth said: "Many a man
has told me that if I had not fallen into the hands of the
Abolitionists and Free-soilers, he would have supported me; and had I
landed somewhere in the South, instead of New York, I would have met
quite different things from that quarter; but being supported by the
Free-soilers, of course I must be opposed by the South." All this was
error. If Kossuth had been spurned by the Abolitionists and Free-
soilers, he would not have been accepted by the South; for there was
not a _quadrennium_ from 1832 to 1860 when that section would have
contributed to the election of Thomas Jefferson to the Presidency with
the weight of the Declaration of Independence upon his shoulders, as it
came from his pen, had he been in existence and eligible to the office.

Support of Kossuth, by aggressive action of by official declarations
against Austria and Russia, was an impossibility for the country; and
an open avowal of sympathy with his opinions and principles was an
impossibility for the South or for the Democratic Party.

Henceforward Kossuth's hopes were limited to pecuniary aid for himself
and his family and friends, and to expressions of sympathy for his
downtrodden country by individuals, by voluntary associations, and by
municipalities. All his speeches after his visit to Washington were
laden with one thought, viz., the duty of all free countries to resist
the spread of absolutism. Pre-eminently this duty was upon America.
"Republican America," said he, "and all-overwhelming Russian
absolutism cannot much longer subsist together on earth. Russia
active,--America passive,--there is an immense danger in the fact; it
is like the avalanche in the Alps, which the noise of a bird's wing
may move and thrust down with irresistible force, growing every moment."

He quoted the declaration which the elder Cato made whenever he spoke,
whether in private or in public: "However, my opinion is that Carthage
must be destroyed." Imitating the language and spirit of Cato, Kossuth
said: "However, the law of nations should be maintained, and
absolutism not permitted to become permanent."

That he exaggerated the scope of what is called the law of nations
there can be no doubt. Beyond a few points, such as the recognized
rule in regard to piracy, the law of