p in the
movement was the destruction of the Democratic Party. That step was
taken, and thus the way was opened for the election of Mr. Lincoln.
The secession of the States, beginning with South Carolina, was a
recognition of the legitimacy of the Government, of which Mr. Lincoln
became the head. This recognition was consummated beyond question,
when Vice-President Breckinridge announced the election of Mr. Lincoln,
in February, 1861.
The interests of the seceding States would have been promoted as the
measures of the incoming administration would have been retarded, if
the members from those States could have retained their seats in
Congress. It is probably that in the excitement of the time, the
States gave no thought to the question whether it would be wise to
allow their members to remain in the old Congress, and there thwart the
administration in its efforts to raise men and money. However that may
have been, when the Southern members left their seats they surrendered
to the Republican Party that absolute power by which in the end the
Rebellion was suppressed. Upon the theory of many Democrats and of
some Republicans, that the seceding States were never out of the Union,
they might have kept a representation in Congress while the States
themselves were carrying on a war for the destruction of the old
Government. Happily for the country the logic of events was mightier
than the logic of the schools. The larger number of men who went out
haughtily in 1860 and 1861 never returned.
In 1861 I was invited to deliver an address at Charlestown, Mass., on
the anniversary of the Battle of New Orleans. I said nothing of that
battle, for my thoughts were directed too exclusively to the prospect
of war in the near future, to allow me to deal with the past except for
the purpose of warning or encouragement. That address gave great
offence to Democrats generally, and it led many Republicans to denounce
me as unwise, and to declare that my counsels were dangerous. Governor
Andrew, who had just taken his seat as Governor, accepted the view that
I expressed, as did his privy counsellor, Frank W. Bird, although they
had disagreed with me in the National Convention, of June, 1860. They
were the earnest supporters of Mr. Seward, I was opposed to his
nomination, and as I would not pledge myself to his support, I barely
escaped defeat at the State Convention, which elected the delegates at
large to the Chicago Convention.
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