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Manchester--London--Bristol--Nottingham-- Birmingham--Sheffield--Glasgow--Victory in the Isle of Man--Passage of Municipal Franchise Bill for Scotland--Mr. Mason's Resolution-- Reduction of Adverse Majority to 16--Conference at Leeds--Mr. Woodall's Amendment to Reform Bill of 1884--Meeting at Edinburgh-- Other Meetings--Estimated Number of Women Householders--Circulars to Members of Parliament--Debate on the Amendment--Resolutions of the Society--Further Debate--Defeat of the Amendment--Meeting at St. James Hall--Conclusion. In writing a history of the woman suffrage movement, it is difficult to say where one should begin, for although the organized agitation which arose when John Stuart Mill first brought forward his proposal in parliament dates back only eighteen years, the foundations for this demand were laid with the very earliest parliamentary institutions in England. As a nation we are fond of working by precedents, and it is a favorite saying among lawyers that modern English law began with Henry III. In earlier Saxon times women who were freeholders of lands or burgesses in towns had the same electoral rights as men. We have records of the reigns of Mary and Elizabeth, showing that ladies of the manse, in their own right, sent members to parliament. Down to the time of the civil wars women were accustomed to share in the election of "parliament men." In 1640, some women voted in an election for the county of Suffolk, Sir Simonds d'Ewes being high-sheriff: Who, as soon as he had notice thereof, sent to forbid the same, conceiving it a matter verie unworthy of anie gentleman, and most dishonourable in such an election to make use of their voices, although in law they might have been allowed. The spirit of the Puritans was not favorable to woman's equality; but, though disused, the right was never absolutely taken away by law. In a celebrated trial, Olive _vs._ Ingram (reign of George II.) the chief-justice gave it as his opinion that "a person paying scot and lot," and therefore qualified to vote, was a description which included women; and all the writs of election down to the time of William IV. were made to "persons" who were freeholders. However, for all purposes of political life this right was as good as dead, being absolutely forgotten. But still the local franchises remained. We have no data to determine whether these were as completely
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