Manchester--London--Bristol--Nottingham--
Birmingham--Sheffield--Glasgow--Victory in the Isle of Man--Passage
of Municipal Franchise Bill for Scotland--Mr. Mason's Resolution--
Reduction of Adverse Majority to 16--Conference at Leeds--Mr.
Woodall's Amendment to Reform Bill of 1884--Meeting at Edinburgh--
Other Meetings--Estimated Number of Women Householders--Circulars
to Members of Parliament--Debate on the Amendment--Resolutions of
the Society--Further Debate--Defeat of the Amendment--Meeting at
St. James Hall--Conclusion.
In writing a history of the woman suffrage movement, it is
difficult to say where one should begin, for although the organized
agitation which arose when John Stuart Mill first brought forward
his proposal in parliament dates back only eighteen years, the
foundations for this demand were laid with the very earliest
parliamentary institutions in England. As a nation we are fond of
working by precedents, and it is a favorite saying among lawyers
that modern English law began with Henry III. In earlier Saxon
times women who were freeholders of lands or burgesses in towns had
the same electoral rights as men. We have records of the reigns of
Mary and Elizabeth, showing that ladies of the manse, in their own
right, sent members to parliament. Down to the time of the civil
wars women were accustomed to share in the election of "parliament
men." In 1640, some women voted in an election for the county of
Suffolk, Sir Simonds d'Ewes being high-sheriff:
Who, as soon as he had notice thereof, sent to forbid the same,
conceiving it a matter verie unworthy of anie gentleman, and most
dishonourable in such an election to make use of their voices,
although in law they might have been allowed.
The spirit of the Puritans was not favorable to woman's equality;
but, though disused, the right was never absolutely taken away by
law. In a celebrated trial, Olive _vs._ Ingram (reign of George
II.) the chief-justice gave it as his opinion that "a person paying
scot and lot," and therefore qualified to vote, was a description
which included women; and all the writs of election down to the
time of William IV. were made to "persons" who were freeholders.
However, for all purposes of political life this right was as good
as dead, being absolutely forgotten. But still the local franchises
remained. We have no data to determine whether these were as
completely
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