is not really free in any enlightened sense.
Even Edward I. of England said, "It is a most equitable rule that
what concerns all should be approved by all." This must
rightfully apply to women the same as to men. And Locke, in his
essay on civil government, said, "Nothing is more evident than
that creatures of the same species and rank, promiscuously born
to the same advantages of nature, and the use of the same
faculties, should also be equal, one with another, without
subordination or subjection." Talleyrand said, as an argument for
monarchy, "The moment we reject an absolutely universal suffrage,
we admit the principle of aristocracy." The founders of this
nation asserted with great emphasis and every variety of
repetition, the essential equality of human rights as a
self-evident truth. The war of the Revolution was justified by
the maxim, "Taxation without representation is tyranny"; and all
republics vindicate their existence by the claim that
"Governments derive their just power from the consent of the
governed." Yet woman, in Connecticut, is governed without her
consent, and taxed without representation.
Lord Camden, one of England's ablest jurists, long ago declared,
"My position is this--taxation and representation are
inseparable. The position is founded in a law of nature--nay
more, it is itself an eternal law of nature." Our forefathers
held to this principle, and fought seven years to establish it.
They maintained their favorite theory of government against
immense odds, and transmitted to their posterity the great work
of putting it logically into practice. It is acknowledged by this
legislature that "taxation without representation is tyranny,"
and that "governments derive their just power from the consent of
the governed." If these phrases are anything more than the
meaningless utterances of demagogues, anything more than the
hypocritical apologies of rebellious colonies in a strait--then
we submit that a _prima facie_ case for woman's right to vote has
already been made out. To declare that a voice in the government
is the right of all, and then give it to less than half, and that
to the fraction to which the theorist himself happens to belong,
is to renounce even the appearance of principle.
It is plain to your commi
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