to some newspaper expression of
reverence for Confederate nationality. In fact, for fully ten years
after the close of the war the collection of Southern "outrages" and
their display before Northern audiences, was the chief work of
Republican politicians. In 1876, during the Hayes-Tilden canvass, the
opening speech which furnished what is called "the key-note of the
campaign" was made by Mr. Wheeler, the Republican candidate for the
Vice-Presidency, and his advice to the Vermonters, to whom it was
delivered, was "to vote as they shot," that is, to go to the polls with
the same feelings and aims as those with which they enlisted in the war.

I need hardly tell English readers how all this has ended. The
withdrawal of the Federal troops from the South by President Hayes, and
the consequent complete restoration of the State governments to the
discontented whites, have fully justified the expectations of those who
maintained that it is no less true in politics than in physics, that if
you remove what you see to be the cause, the effect will surely
disappear. It is true, at least in the Western world, that if you give
communities in a reasonable degree the management of their own affairs,
the love of material comfort and prosperity which is now so strong among
all civilized, and even partially civilized men, is sure in the long run
to do the work of creating and maintaining order; or, as Mr. Gladstone
has expressed it, in setting up a government, "the best and surest
foundation we can find to build on is the foundation afforded by the
affections, the convictions, and the will of men."

FOOTNOTES:

[Footnote 2: Report of Secretary of War, 1869-70, vol. i. p. 89.]

HOW WE BECAME HOME RULERS.

BY JAMES BRYCE, M.P.

In the Home Rule contest of the last eighteen months no argument has
been more frequently used against the Liberal party than the charge of
sudden, and therefore, it would seem, dishonest change of view. "You
were opposed to an Irish Parliament at the election of 1880 and for some
time afterward; you are not entitled to advocate it in 1886." "You
passed a Coercion Bill in 1881, your Ministry (though against the
protests of an active section of its supporters) passed another Coercion
Bill in 1882; you have no right to resist a third such Bill in 1887,
and, if you do, your conduct can be due to nothing but party spite and
revenge at your own exclusion from office." Reproaches of this kind are
now the sto