ter as the great political event of 1884.[4]

Although this sketch is in the main a record of Parliamentary opinion, I
ought not to pass over the influence which the study of their
constituents' ideas exerted upon members for the larger towns. We found
the vast bulk of our supporters--English supporters, for after 1882 it
was understood that the Irish voters were our enemies--sympathetic with
the Irish people. They knew and thought little about Home Rule,
believing that their member understood that question better than they
did, and willing, so long as he was sound on English issues, to trust
him. But they pitied Irish tenants, and condemned Irish landlords.
Though they acquiesced in a Coercion Bill when proposed by a Liberal
Cabinet, because they concluded that nothing less than necessity would
lead such a Cabinet to propose one, they so much disliked any
exceptional or repressive legislation that it was plain they would not
long tolerate it. Any popular leader denouncing coercion was certain to
have the sentiment of the English masses with him, while as to
suspending Irish representation or carrying out consistently the policy
of treating Ireland as a subject country, there was no chance in the
world of their approval. Those of us, therefore, who represented large
working-class constituencies became convinced that the solution of the
Irish problem must be sought in conciliation and self-government, if
only because the other solution, Crown Colony Government, was utterly
repugnant to the English masses, in whom the Franchise Bill of 1884,
completing that of 1867, had vested political supremacy.[5]

Session of 1885.--The allied powers of Toryism and Nationalism gained in
this year the victory they had so long striven for. In February they
reduced the Ministerial majority to fourteen; in June they overthrew the
Ministry. No one supposed that on either occasion the merits of the
issue had anything to do with the Nationalist vote: that vote was given
simply and solely against the Government, as the Government which had
passed the Coercion Acts of 1881 and 1882--Acts demanded by the Tory
party, and which had not conceded an Irish Parliament. At last the Irish
party had attained its position as the arbiter of power and office. Some
of us said, as we walked away from the House, under the dawning light of
that memorable 9th of June, "This means Home Rule." Our forecast was
soon to be confirmed. Lord Salisbury's Cabinet, formed