ugh in some respects not unworthy of the abilities of its
author, was in principle vicious. The new board was half a cabinet and
half a Parliament, and, like almost every other contrivance, whether
mechanical or political, which is meant to serve two purposes altogether
different, failed of accomplishing either. It was too large and too
divided to be a good administrative body. It was too closely connected
with the Crown to be a good checking body. It contained just enough of
popular ingredients to make it a bad council of state, unfit for the
keeping of secrets, for the conducting of delicate negotiations, and
for the administration of war. Yet were these popular ingredients by no
means sufficient to secure the nation against misgovernment. The
plan, therefore, even if it had been fairly tried, could scarcely
have succeeded; and it was not fairly tried. The King was fickle
and perfidious: the Parliament was excited and unreasonable; and the
materials out of which the new Council was made, though perhaps the best
which that age afforded, were still bad.

The commencement of the new system was, however, hailed with general
delight; for the people were in a temper to think any change an
improvement. They were also pleased by some of the new nominations.
Shaftesbury, now their favourite, was appointed Lord President. Russell
and some other distinguished members of the Country Party were sworn
of the Council. But a few days later all was again in confusion. The
inconveniences of having so numerous a cabinet were such that Temple
himself consented to infringe one of the fundamental rules which he
had laid down, and to become one of a small knot which really directed
everything. With him were joined three other ministers, Arthur Capel,
Earl of Essex, George Savile, Viscount Halifax, and Robert Spencer, Earl
of Sunderland.

Of the Earl of Essex, then First Commissioner of the Treasury, it is
sufficient to say that he was a man of solid, though not brilliant
parts, and of grave and melancholy character, that he had been connected
with the Country Party, and that he was at this time honestly desirous
to effect, on terms beneficial to the state, a reconciliation between
that party and the throne.

Among the statesmen of those times Halifax was, in genius, the first.
His intellect was fertile, subtle, and capacious. His polished,
luminous, and animated eloquence, set off by the silver tones of
his voice, was the delight of the