spirits regarded every vestige of
Popery.

To keep down the English people was no light task even for that army. No
sooner was the first pressure of military tyranny felt, than the nation,
unbroken to such servitude, began to struggle fiercely. Insurrections
broke out even in those counties which, during the recent war, had been
the most submissive to the Parliament. Indeed, the Parliament itself
abhorred its old defenders more than its old enemies, and was desirous
to come to terms of accommodation with Charles at the expense of the
troops. In Scotland at the same time, a coalition was formed between the
Royalists and a large body of Presbyterians who regarded the doctrines
of the Independents with detestation. At length the storm burst. There
were risings in Norfolk, Suffolk, Essex, Kent, Wales. The fleet in the
Thames suddenly hoisted the royal colours, stood out to sea, and menaced
the southern coast. A great Scottish force crossed the frontier
and advanced into Lancashire. It might well be suspected that these
movements were contemplated with secret complacency by a majority both
of the Lords and of the Commons.

But the yoke of the army was not to be so shaken off. While Fairfax
suppressed the risings in the neighbourhood of the capital, Oliver
routed the Welsh insurgents, and, leaving their castles in ruins,
marched against the Scots. His troops were few, when compared with the
invaders; but he was little in the habit of counting his enemies. The
Scottish army was utterly destroyed. A change in the Scottish government
followed. An administration, hostile to the King, was formed at
Edinburgh; and Cromwell, more than ever the darling of his soldiers,
returned in triumph to London.

And now a design, to which, at the commencement of the civil war, no man
would have dared to allude, and which was not less inconsistent with the
Solemn League and Covenant than with the old law of England, began to
take a distinct form. The austere warriors who ruled the nation had,
during some months, meditated a fearful vengeance on the captive King.
When and how the scheme originated; whether it spread from the general
to the ranks, or from the ranks to the general; whether it is to be
ascribed to policy using fanaticism as a tool, or to fanaticism bearing
down policy with headlong impulse, are questions which, even at this
day, cannot be answered with perfect confidence. It seems, however,
on the whole, probable that he who seem