he cohesion of the Duma to the revolution. At about this time the
newly appointed premier, Golitzin, who had succeeded Trepov,
telephoned his resignation to the Duma. The other members of the
cabinet had disappeared.

That afternoon the Duma appointed a committee of twelve members,
representing all parties, which should represent its authority and
should assist the revolutionary organizers in maintaining order. These
latter held a separate meeting in another room of the palace and
issued an appeal to the populace to refrain from excesses. An election
of deputies to the Council of Workingmen's Deputies was then called
for that evening, the name of the council being now changed to the
Council of Workingmen and Soldiers' Deputies.

CHAPTER LXXXI

THE NEW GOVERNMENT

By this time the firing in the streets had died down. Desultory
fighting still continued in the outskirts of the city between patrols
of the revolutionary forces and policemen, but by evening calm once
more settled down over the city. The autocracy was dead; the
revolution had been won. The dead and wounded had been collected and
the latter were being cared for. The dead amounted to slightly less
than two hundred.

The two committees--the one representing the Duma and the one
representing the red radicals--were in joint session all that night
working with a harmony that would have seemed incredible only a week
before. On the following morning they issued two proclamations. The
first simply appealed to the people to remain calm and commit no
excesses. The other announced the establishment of a new government
for Russia, which should be based on universal suffrage. Then the Duma
committee issued a special appeal to army officers to support the new
regime. All day delegations from various organizations of both social
and military life of the capital appeared before the doors of the Duma
to offer allegiance, and again and again Milukov and Kerensky, each
the popular hero of their separate elements, the one of the liberal
middle classes and the other of the radical working classes, were
called out to deliver addresses to crowds of enthusiastic people.
Despite their differences of opinion, these two and their fellows
worked together with an ideal harmony, each supporting the other with
his constituency. Perhaps no greater anomaly was ever presented in
history than the spectacle of Rodzianko, ultraconservative, and
Kerensky, radical Socialist, each addr