corporations were filled with his creatures. His revenues far exceeded
those of his predecessors. His pride rose high. He was not the same
man who, a few months before, in doubt whether his throne might not
be overturned in a hour, had implored foreign help with unkingly
supplications, and had accepted it with tears of gratitude. Visions
of dominion and glory rose before him. He already saw himself, in
imagination, the umpire of Europe, the champion of many states oppressed
by one too powerful monarchy. So early as the month of June he had
assured the United Provinces that, as soon as the affairs of England
were settled, he would show the world how little he feared France. In
conformity with these assurances, he, within a month after the battle of
Sedgemoor, concluded with the States General a defensive treaty, framed
in the very spirit of the Triple League. It was regarded, both at
the Hague and at Versailles, as a most significant circumstance that
Halifax, who was the constant and mortal enemy of French ascendency, and
who had scarcely ever before been consulted on any grave affair since
the beginning of the reign, took the lead on this occasion, and seemed
to have the royal ear. It was a circumstance not less significant that
no previous communication was made to Barillon. Both he and his master
were taken by surprise. Lewis was much troubled, and expressed great,
and not unreasonable, anxiety as to the ulterior designs of the prince
who had lately been his pensioner and vassal. There were strong rumours
that William of Orange was busied in organizing a great confederacy,
which was to include both branches of the House of Austria, the United
Provinces, the kingdom of Sweden, and the electorate of Brandenburg.
It now seemed that this confederacy would have at its head the King and
Parliament of England.
In fact, negotiations tending to such a result were actually opened.
Spain proposed to form a close alliance with James; and he listened to
the proposition with favour, though it was evident that such an alliance
would be little less than a declaration of war against France. But
he postponed his final decision till after the Parliament should have
reassembled. The fate of Christendom depended on the temper in which he
might then find the Commons. If they were disposed to acquiesce in his
plans of domestic government, there would be nothing to prevent him from
interfering with vigour and authority in the great dispute
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