tics, which differentiates
utopian socialism from scientific socialism; the former fancied it
possible to alter the economic organization of society from top to
bottom by the improvised miracle of a popular insurrection; the latter,
on the contrary, declares that the law of evolution is supreme and that,
therefore, the social revolution can be nothing but the final phase of a
preliminary evolution, which will consist--through scientific study and
propaganda work--in the realization of the exhortation of Marx:
_Proletarians of all countries, unite!_

There then is the explanation of the _easy_ enigma, presented by the
fact that socialism, though revolutionary in its programme, follows the
laws of evolution in its method of realization, and that is the secret
of its vitality and power, and that is also what makes it so essentially
different from that mystical and violent anarchism, which class
prejudices or the exigencies of venal journalism assert is nothing but
a consequence of socialism, while in fact it is the practical negation
of socialism.

* * * * *

Finally, as a synthetic conclusion, I think it worth while to show that,
while in the beginning of his book M. Garofalo starts out in open
hostility to socialism with the intention of maintaining an absolutely
uncompromising attitude, declaring on the first page that he has written
his book "for those who are called the bourgeois," in order to dissuade
them from the concessions which they themselves, in their own minds, can
not prevent themselves from making to the undeniable truth of the
socialist ideal, when he reaches the end of his polemic, the
irresistible implications of the facts force M. Garofalo to a series of
eclectic compromises, which produce on the reader, after so many
accusations and threats of repression, the depressing impression of a
mental collapse, as unforeseen as it is significant.

Indeed, M. Garofalo, on page 258, recognizes the usefulness of
combinations of laborers to enable them "to _resist_ unjust demands,"
and even declares it obligatory upon factory-owners "to assure a
life-pension to their laborers who have served them long." (p. 275.) And
he demands for the laborers at all events "a share in the profits" (p.
276); he recognizes also that the adult out of work and in good health
has the right to assistance, no less than the sick man or the cripple
(p. 281).

M. Garofalo, who by all these restrictions