ctly in disgrace, yet at least it
could not be regarded as ending gloriously or even satisfactorily. But
he summoned all his philosophy and fortitude to his aid; he fell back
upon his clear conscience and comported himself with dignity, showing
all reasonable courtesy to his successor and only perhaps seeming a
little deficient in filial piety in presenting so striking a contrast
to the shameful conduct of his father in a like crucial hour. His
retirement brought to a close a list of Presidents who deserved to be
called statesmen in the highest sense of that term, honorable men,
pure patriots, and, with perhaps one exception, all of the first order
of ability in public affairs. It is necessary to come far down towards
this day before a worthy successor of those great men is met with in
the list. Dr. Von Holst, by far the ablest writer who has yet dealt
with American history, says: "In the person of Adams the last
statesman who was to occupy it for a long time left the White House."
General Jackson, the candidate of the populace and the (p. 214)
representative hero of the ignorant masses, instituted a new system of
administering the Government in which personal interests became the
most important element, and that organization and strategy were
developed which have since become known and infamous under the name of
the "political machine."

While Mr. Adams bore his defeat like a philosopher, he felt secretly
very depressed and unhappy by reason of it. He speaks of it as leaving
his "character and reputation a wreck," and says that the "sun of his
political life sets in the deepest gloom." On January 1, 1829, he
writes: "The year begins in gloom. My wife had a sleepless and painful
night. The dawn was overcast, and as I began to write my shaded lamp
went out, self-extinguished. It was only for lack of oil, and the
notice of so trivial an incident may serve but to mark the present
temper of my mind." It is painful to behold a man of his vigor,
activity, and courage thus prostrated. Again he writes:--

"Three days more and I shall be restored to private life, and
left to an old age of retirement though certainly not of repose.
I go into it with a combination of parties and public men against
my character and reputation, such as I believe never before was
exhibited against any man since this Union existed. Posterity
will scarcely believe it, but so it is, that this combination