Committee on
Foreign Affairs, for whose business he felt more fitted. But he was
told that in the impending crisis his ability, authority, and prestige
were all likely to be needed in the place allotted to him to aid in
the salvation of the country.

The nullification chapter of our history cannot here be entered (p. 234)
upon at length, and Mr. Adams's connection with it must be very
shortly stated. At the first meeting of his committee he remarks: "A
reduction of the duties upon many of the articles in the tariff was
understood by all to be the object to be effected;" and a little later
he said that he should be disposed to give such aid as he could to any
plan for this reduction which the Treasury Department should devise.
"He should certainly not consent to sacrifice the manufacturing
interest," he said, "but something of concession would be due from
that interest to appease the discontents of the South." He was in a
reasonable frame of mind; but unfortunately other people were rapidly
ceasing to be reasonable. When Jackson's message of December 4, 1832,
was promulgated, showing a disposition to do for South Carolina pretty
much all that she demanded, Mr. Adams was bitterly indignant. The
message, he said, "recommends a total change in the policy of the
Union with reference to the Bank, manufactures, internal improvement,
and the public lands. It goes to dissolve the Union into its original
elements, and is in substance a complete surrender to the nullifiers
of South Carolina." When, somewhat later on, the President lost his
temper and flamed out in his famous proclamation to meet the (p. 235)
nullification ordinance, he spoke in tones more pleasing to Mr. Adams.
But the ultimate compromise which disposed of the temporary dissension
without permanently settling the fundamental question of the
constitutional right of nullification was extremely distasteful to
him. He was utterly opposed to the concessions which were made while
South Carolina still remained contumacious. He was for compelling her
to retire altogether from her rebellious position and to repeal her
unconstitutional enactments wholly and unconditionally, before one jot
should be abated from the obnoxious duties. When the bill for the
modification of the tariff was under debate, he moved to strike out
all but the enacting clause, and supported his motion in a long
speech, insisting that no tariff ought to pass until it was known
"whether there w