nds.

I can not but add another very grave objection to this bill. The
Constitution imperatively declares, in connection with taxation, that
each State _shall_ have at least one Representative, and fixes the rule
for the number to which, in future times, each State shall be entitled.
It also provides that the Senate of the United States _shall_ be
composed of two Senators from each State, and adds with peculiar force
"that no State, without its consent, shall be deprived of its equal
suffrage in the Senate." The original act was necessarily passed in the
absence of the States chiefly to be affected, because their people were
then contumaciously engaged in the rebellion. Now the case is changed,
and some, at least, of those States are attending Congress by loyal
representatives, soliciting the allowance of the constitutional right
for representation. At the time, however, of the consideration and the
passing of this bill there was no Senator or Representative in Congress
from the eleven States which are to be mainly affected by its
provisions. The very fact that reports were and are made against the
good disposition of the people of that portion of the country is an
additional reason why they need and should have representatives of their
own in Congress to explain their condition, reply to accusations,
and assist by their local knowledge in the perfecting of measures
immediately affecting themselves. While the liberty of deliberation
would then be free and Congress would have full power to decide
according to its judgment, there could be no objection urged that the
States most interested had not been permitted to be heard. The principle
is firmly fixed in the minds of the American people that there should be
no taxation without representation. Great burdens have now to be borne
by all the country, and we may best demand that they shall be borne
without murmur when they are voted by a majority of the representatives
of all the people. I would not interfere with the unquestionable right
of Congress to judge, each House for itself, "of the elections, returns,
and qualifications of its own members;" but that authority can not be
construed as including the right to shut out in time of peace any State
from the representation to which it is entitled by the Constitution.
At present all the people of eleven States are excluded--those who
were most faithful during the war not less than others. The State of
Tennessee, for instance,