king in time to control the whole of
Asia couldn't bother with commercial matters, certainly not. Yet, one of
the fruits of victory in the war would have been the splendid
opportunity to exploit trade everywhere in China--a privilege of
priceless value.

What country was to benefit through this, with Russia's moral support
and permission, had the Czar's legions been successful?

France? Hardly; for the French were bound by hard and fast alliance, and
it had never been the policy at St. Petersburg to give anything material
to France. Uncle Sam, whose people had financed half the war loans of
Japan, could scarcely hope to extend his business in China with Russia's
cooperation; nor could Japan's ally and moral supporter, John Bull.

Who, then, could stand in a likelier position to become legatee of this
valued privilege than the Trade-Lord of Germany? The Emperor William had
been Russia's "best friend" from the inception of the war, and was
admittedly an adept in promoting trade, for his people had attained in
a few years to an envied position in the commerce of the world. A
quarter of the trade of "awakened" China would make Germany a vast
workshop, a hive of industry. And this was precisely what the astute
Hohenzollern saw through the smoke of battle in far-away Manchuria. He
saw a prosperous Germany if the Slav crushed the yellow man. To say he
did not would be a libel upon a giant intellect.

Any one disposed to review practically certain incidents in the recent
history of Germany may develop a dozen reasons why the Emperor should
seek to make his country all important through trade conquest. Let it be
remembered that the Kaiser chafes at barriers of every kind, and that
there is a boundlessness in his nature at times trying to his patience.
He looks at the map of the German Empire and painfully admits that the
present frontiers and area are practically those bequeathed by the great
William. To a divine-right monarch this is exasperating. The loftiest
ambition of a sovereign is to have the national area expand under his
rule.

William's medieval temperament shudders at the crowded condition of the
earth in this twentieth century, when all frontiers appear immovable.
Had he lived in the days of the Crusaders his valiant sword would
probably have brought all Palestine under German control; and had he
been a free agent when Bonapartism collapsed he most likely would have
carried the German standard to the Mediterrane