no protection against their old masters. The veto was overridden,
and became a law April 9. The Freedmen's Bureau bill, somewhat amended,
was again passed, this time over a veto, and became a law July 16.

It was after the decisive victory over the President on the Civil Rights
bill that Congress took up the comprehensive measure which embodied its
own plan of reconstruction as a substitute for the President's. That
measure was the Fourteenth Amendment. It was drawn up by the
reconstruction committee, of which Senator Fessenden was chairman, and
probably his was the leading part in framing its provisions. The first
proposition was only to make the basis of congressional representation
dependent on the extension or denial of suffrage to the freedmen. This
was proposed January 22, 1866, and after some weeks' discussion passed
the House but failed in the Senate. It was replaced by a broader
measure, which was reported April 30, debated and amended for six weeks,
and finally in mid-June took the form in which it now stands in the
Constitution, and was approved by Congress. It then went before the
States for their action, with a tacit but strong implication that upon
its acceptance and adoption the lately seceded States would be fully
restored. It was in effect the plan of reconstruction first offered by
Congress, as a substitute for the President's.

The first article of the amendment declares that all persons born or
naturalized in the United States are citizens of the United States, and
of the State wherein they reside; and that all are entitled to the equal
protection of the laws. Another section guarantees the validity of the
public debt, and forbids payment of the Confederate debt or payment for
the emancipation of slaves. Both these articles appear at this distance
of time to be beyond question or criticism. Another article apportions
representation in Congress, as heretofore, according to population; but
further provides that any State which denies the suffrage to any part of
its adult male population, except for rebellion or other crime, shall
have its congressional representation reduced in the same proportion. It
will be remembered that under the old Constitution the basis of
representation was fixed by adding to the total of the free population a
number equal to three-fifths of the slaves. Now that the slaves had
become freedmen, the representation of the old slave States would to
that extent be increased. But it