r the year 1916. The contents are a callendar
of papers and addresses by Robert M. T. Hunter heretofore printed, a
callendar of letters to and from him printed in this volume, and the
correspondence of the statesman. The work of the author appears to be
more of that of a collector than that of an editor, for the volume has
very little annotation. In the short preface the author undertakes to
give the place of Robert M. T. Hunter in the history of his State and
of the nation and to evaluate his correspondence. The excuse for such
a short sketch is that Robert M. T. Hunter did not stand out as a
great statesman himself but owes his importance to following the
leadership of John C. Calhoun, and the period in which he lived was
one of declining influence for his State and later one of civil strife
between the great sections of the nation. Although he served the
public almost continuously during the period of thirty years he held
only a few positions of trust, most of his service being in the United
States Senate.

These letters, as a whole, are unusually valuable in that they throw
light on various problems perplexing the country during this critical
period of American history between the year 1826 and 1876. Students of
Negro history will be primarily interested in the letters in which we
find mention of the African trade with Brazil, his speeches on
slavery, on the fight for Missouri and Kansas, and on the abolition
movement. His correspondence shows, moreover, what he thought about
the extension of slavery, the stealing of slaves, legislation
regarding the institution, and the power of Congress in the
territories. There are references to the Compromise of 1850, the
execution of the Fugitive Slave Law, the struggle in Kansas, and the
demands of the South in the great crisis. The space which he gives to
the opinions and the doctrines advanced by Stephen A. Douglas, the
rights of the slave States in the territories, the attitude of
Seward, and the election of 1860 is considerable.

As Robert M. T. Hunter lived to see the Reconstruction worked out, it
is interesting to note his attitude on the part he felt that the Negro
should play in it. He did not believe that the elevation of the Negro
to the status of citizenship with the right to vote or hold office
would be good for this country. He referred frequently to the
experience of Negro governments in Haiti and Jamaica to support his
theory. He felt that it would result in t