n India than in Europe; that there are far more profound racial
differences between the Mahratta and the Bengalee than between the
German and the Portuguese, or between the Punjabee and the Tamil than
between the Russian and the Italian; that, not to speak of other creeds,
the religious antagonism between Hindu and Mahomedan is often more
active than any that exists to-day between Protestants and Roman
Catholics, even, let us say, in Ulster; and that caste has driven into
Indian society lines of far deeper cleavage than any class distinctions
that have survived in Europe.

We do not rule India, as is sometimes alleged, by playing off one race
or one creed against another and by accentuating and fostering these
ancient divisions, but we are able to rule because our rule alone
prevents these ancient divisions from breaking out once more into open
and sanguinary strife. British rule is the form of government that
divides Indians the least. The majority of intelligent and sober-minded
Indians who have a stake in the country welcome it and support it
because they feel it to be the only safeguard against the clash of rival
races and creeds, which would ultimately lead to the oppressive
ascendency of some one race or creed; and the great mass of the
population yield to it an inarticulate and instinctive acquiescence
because it gives them a greater measure of security, justice, and
tranquillity than their forbears ever enjoyed.

There are only two forces that aspire to substitute themselves for
British rule, or at least to make the continuance of British rule
subservient to their own ascendency. One is the ancient and reactionary
force of Brahmanism, which, having its roots in the social and religious
system we call Hinduism, operates upon a very large section--but still
only a section--of the population who are Hindus. The other is a modern
and, in its essence, progressive force generated by Western education,
which operates to some extent over the whole area of India, but only
upon an infinitesimal fraction of the population recruited among a few
privileged castes. Its only real _nexus_ is a knowledge, often very
superficial, of the English language and of English political
institutions. Though both these forces have developed of late years a
spirit of revolt against British rule, neither of them has in itself
sufficient substance to be dangerous. The one is too old, the other too
young. But the most rebellious elements in b